By Helaine Silverman
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Extra info for Ancient Nasca Settlement and Society
And] express what we think of ourselves. (Halprin 1995: 242–243) Landscape . . does not stand as an absolute geographical site conquered once and for all, and the sitedness of belonging is therefore constantly re-enacted in order to transcend (and simultaneously allow) the vagaries of migration, of movement and of existential uncertainties. . the performative aspects of religious activities are considered essential in anchoring belonging and making it (temporarily) tangible through social practice .
I am fascinated — indeed, overwhelmed—by Burns’s apprehension. As Andeanists we have only to think of imperial Inca building policy at Huánuco Pampa, where a truly cleared site was received and a landscape of power was constructed (see, especially, Morris 1972). Burns (1991: 155) says, “A site, as a result of human action, is always already conceptually and physically constructed prior to building architecture — which is to say, s e t t l e m e n t pa t t e r n s a n d s o c i a l g e o g r a p h i e s preoccupied by the way it is known and by its history .
Albornoz states that a mountain huaca called Sanoc ancavilca pertained to the “Indians of the Nasca” in the “province of Hacari” (transcription of Albornoz in Duviols 1967: 34). Reinhard (1988: 17) identiﬁes this huaca as Cerro Blanco. ” Arguedas (1956: 199) brieﬂy mentioned Cerro Blanco in the context of traditional beliefs recorded by him during ethnographic ﬁeldwork in Puquio. During a pago (payment) made to pachamama (mother earth) at the beginning of my excavations at Cahuachi in 1984, Don Armando Valdivia oﬀered trago (cane alco- s e t t l e m e n t pa t t e r n s a n d s o c i a l g e o g r a p h i e s hol) to Cerro Blanco in the east, Cerro Tunga-Huaricangana in the south, Cerro Pinchango to the north, and Cerro Macho-Coyungo to the west.
Ancient Nasca Settlement and Society by Helaine Silverman